Saturday, 17 October 2026

THE SUWALKI GAP KALININGRAD - IS EUROPE FIGHTING THE WRONG WAR?

If the North European Plain has been Europe's invasion highway for four hundred years, why are both sides still digging trenches across it, when the contest that will shape this century is being decided thousands of miles to the east?



Fast Track

The Suwałki Gap, a 65 km stretch of the Polish–Lithuanian border, is NATO's only land link to the Baltic states and Russia's only possible land route to Kaliningrad. Each side sees it as the other's opportunity, and both are fortifying it. That fear is rooted in geography: the North European Plain has carried Western armies deep into Russia for four centuries, and Russia has always answered with depth. But the great-power rivalry that now matters most is between the United States and China, which raises a somewhat contrarian question: is Europe guarding yesterday's front line?


Introduction

When we first started talking about this war with Russia, two names kept coming up: Kaliningrad and the Suwałki Gap. Three and a half years on, they are still there, still on every military planner's map, and still among surely the tensest few dozen miles in Europe, at least from a military point of view.

At first sight the story is straightforward. A small Russian exclave sits inside NATO territory, and a narrow corridor separates it from Russia's ally Belarus. Whoever controls that corridor holds a key to the Baltic.


Look closer and the corridor turns out to be a symptom rather than a cause. It sits on a vast plain across which Western armies have marched on Russia again and again, and Russian strategy has been built around that experience ever since. This article follows that thread from a strip of Polish farmland to the question of whether Europe's security problem is still really in Europe at all.

Why It Matters

If deterrence fails anywhere between NATO and Russia, the Suwałki Gap is one of the most likely places. Around six million people in Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia depend on that corridor for any land reinforcement in a crisis, while nearly a million Russians in Kaliningrad depend on Russia's ability to supply them. Beyond the region, the gap sits at the centre of a larger choice Europe now faces: how much of its money, attention and military power to commit to a standoff with Russia while the global balance of power shifts towards Asia.

1. A 65-kilometre problem

Kaliningrad is a small piece of Russia on the Baltic coast, wedged between Poland and Lithuania, with no land border with the rest of the Russia. Until 1945 it was Königsberg, capital of German East Prussia. The Red Army captured the city in April 1945, and that summer at the Potsdam Conference the Allies, Britain and the United States included, agreed in principle to transfer it to the Soviet Union. Reunified Germany formally gave up any claim in the 1990 treaty that settled its borders. The West did not merely tolerate a Russian Kaliningrad; it signed it over. Today it is Russia's westernmost territory, one of the most heavily armed places in Europe, encirled by NATO and plum in the middle of NATO's eastern flank. It is at the same time the main base of Russia's Baltic Fleet at Baltiysk.

The Suwałki Gap is the stretch of the Polish-Lithuanian border that runs between Kaliningrad in the west and Belarus in the east. It is roughly 65 km (40 miles) wide at its narrowest, and it is NATO's only land route into Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia.

It is very important to understand the stakes here. Russia does not need the gap to reach Kaliningrad: it gets there by sea, by air, and by rail across Lithuania under an EU transit arrangement in place since 2003 (restricted for sanctioned goods since 2022). The gap would give Russia overland access to its only open-water Baltic port, although not access to the Baltic as such which it already has. Should Russia consider it necessary to seize the corridor, this would create a continuous Russian land bridge from Belarus to Kaliningrad, and cut the three Baltic states off from the rest of NATO by land.


2. Two fears, one corridor

NATO presents the gap as its weak point, a door Russia might one day kick open. From Moscow the picture is reversed. Kaliningrad is an outpost entirely surrounded by an alliance whose eastern edge has moved from the middle of Germany in 1990 to about 140 km from St Petersburg today, and which since 2023 has added Finland's 1,340 km border with Russia. Russia did not move towards NATO; NATO progressively advanced on Russia.

Furthermore, that Russian fear is not imaginary. In July 2025 General Christopher Donahue, commander of US Army forces in Europe and Africa, said NATO could now take Kaliningrad "from the ground" faster than ever before. He framed it as deterrence rather than a plan. Moscow heard a threat, and Russian officials have since accused the alliance of rehearsing a blockade of the exclave, promising to use the full range of its weapons if the exclave is threatened.

Both sides are now digging in. Poland's East Shield programme is building anti-tank ditches and obstacles along its borders with Belarus and Kaliningrad, with German army engineers helping in 2026. Lithuania is fortifying a second road route through the gap, due by 2028. Polish, Lithuanian, French, American and Portuguese troops have exercised there repeatedly this year. On the other side, Russia put its nuclear-capable Oreshnik intermediate-range missiles on combat duty in Belarus in December 2025, and Belarus held drills near the Polish and Lithuanian borders in September.

There is still no public evidence that either side is preparing to move. But one asymmetry is worth noticing: over the past thirty years it is NATO's frontier, not Russia's, that has advanced hundreds of miles towards the other side.

Each side reads the other's defences as preparation for attack, which is exactly how the plain has always worked.

3. The great flat highway

Why does a strip of farmland matter so much? Because it sits on the North European Plain, the lowland that runs from northern France and the Low Countries through Germany and Poland, then widens into the vast East European Plain all the way to the Ural Mountains. There are few mountain ranges to stop an army; the main obstacles are rivers, marshes, forests and sheer distance.

It is a natural strategic highway, and it has carried invaders east many times. Polish and Lithuanian forces occupied Moscow in 1610. Sweden's Charles XII marched in in 1708. Napoleon came in 1812, Germany fought deep into the Russian Empire in 1915–18, Western powers sent troops into the Russian Civil War in 1918–20, and Germany invaded again in 1941. Napoleon and Hitler are simply the two everyone remembers.

But highways run in both directions. Russian armies crossed the same plain to Paris in 1814 and to Berlin in 1945, and Russia's own expansion westward has repeatedly come across this open ground. The plain does not favour one side; it favours whoever moves first and furthest.

4. Depth: Russia's oldest defence

Russia's long-standing answer to an open frontier is strategic depth: put as much territory as possible between an invader and Moscow and St Petersburg, ideally in friendly neutral buffer states. Today that means Belarus and Ukraine.

Depth works by turning distance into a weapon. In 1812 the Russian army fell back, traded space for time, and let distance, winter and stretched supply lines destroy the Grande Armée. In 1941–42 the Red Army lost enormous ground before it held at Moscow and Stalingrad and turned the tide. It was not always a deliberate plan, and the human cost was immense, but the geography rewarded the defender who could keep falling back and still survive.

From Moscow, NATO's expansion to the Baltic and Polish borders, and the war over Ukraine, look like the buffer being stripped away by the same West whose armies crossed the plain in 1812 and 1941. Poland, the Baltic states and Ukraine reply that they are sovereign countries, not buffers, entitled to choose their alliances, and they point to 2014 and 2022 as their reason. The history in this article explains why Moscow hears that argument as a description of encirclement, a policy of containment.

5. Does the pattern hold?

The game has been played so many times that it is obvious what is going on... and yet the West keeps choosing to play it. The historical pattern runs like this: Western Europe invades Russia, and Russia pushes back into Eastern Europe.

The two biggest cases fit it closely. Napoleon's invasion of 1812 ended with Russian troops in Paris. Hitler's invasion of 1941 ended with the Red Army in Berlin and Soviet control of Eastern Europe for more than four decades. Seen through those two wars, much of Russia's behaviour looks defensive: it pushes its frontier west to make sure the next invasion starts further away.

The awkward episodes, and Moscow's own explanation

Critics of this reading point to episodes that do not fit: Russia's part in partitioning Poland in 1772–95, its attack on East Prussia in 1914, the Soviet invasions of eastern Poland, Finland and the Baltic states in 1939–40 while allied by treaty with Nazi Germany, the crushing of Hungary in 1956 and Czechoslovakia in 1968, and the invasions of Ukraine in 2014 and 2022. Those episodes are real, and Russia's neighbours remember them. But they do not overturn the larger pattern. In modern times every invasion that threatened Russia's survival, in 1610, 1708, 1812 and 1941, came from the west. Russia's westward pushes, however harsh, have largely followed one logic: move the frontier further away before the next invasion comes.

Episode Moscow's reason
Partitions of Poland, 1772–95Protecting Orthodox subjects, and ending the instability of a collapsing state that Prussia and Austria would otherwise have carved up alone.
East Prussia, 1914Germany had already declared war on Russia (1 August). Russia attacked early to draw German troops away from Paris, as its alliance with France required.
Eastern Poland, 1939Protecting Ukrainians and Belarusians once the Polish state had collapsed, and recovering land lost in 1921.
Finland, 1939–40The border lay just 32 km from Leningrad, and Finland refused to trade territory to move it back.
Baltic states, 1940Forward bases against the German attack Moscow expected, which came in 1941.
Hungary, 1956Hungary announced it was leaving the Warsaw Pact; Moscow called it a Western-backed counter-revolution.
Czechoslovakia, 1968Fear that reform would pull the country out of the Soviet bloc and towards West Germany, opening a hole in the buffer.
Ukraine, 2014A Western-backed coup against an elected president, and the need to keep its Black Sea Fleet base at Sevastopol out of NATO's reach.
Ukraine, 2022Ukraine's path to NATO membership, promised in principle in 2008, and protection of Russian speakers in the Donbas.

This is the core insight. On an open plain, the country that has been invaded most often will treat every advance towards it as the opening move of the next invasion, and the West has supplied that fear with four centuries of evidence. That is what makes the cycle so wearily predictable, and so hard to break.

On an open plain, one side's security is the other side's threat, and both can cite centuries of evidence.

6. Has Mackinder's pivot moved east?

In 1904 the British geographer Halford Mackinder argued that the "Heartland" of Eurasia, roughly Russia and Central Asia, was the pivot of world power. In 1919 he summed it up: "Who rules East Europe commands the Heartland: Who rules the Heartland commands the World-Island: Who rules the World-Island commands the world." Eastern Europe, and the plain this article has crossed, was the gateway.

A century on, the centre of gravity has plainly shifted. Economically and militarily, the main challenger to the United States is China, not Russia, and successive US administrations have identified China as their principal long-term competitor. In the 1940s the American strategist Nicholas Spykman argued that Eurasia's coastal "Rimland" mattered more than Mackinder's Heartland; today the most contested stretch of that Rimland runs through East Asia, from the Taiwan Strait to the South China Sea.

In that light, a Europe that once had thriving economies on cheap Russian energy, now pours its energy into a permanent standoff on the Polish border - this looks like a Europe or EU that is fighting the last century's war.... why would it want to commit suicide in this way?

7. A Eurasian bloc: the case and the obstacles

So would it make more sense for Europe and Russia to settle their differences and form a Eurasian bloc, still within the American-led order, that could balance China? The idea has a long pedigree, from Charles de Gaulle's vision of a Europe "from the Atlantic to the Urals" to Vladimir Putin's own 2010 proposal for a common economic space from Lisbon to Vladivostok. Its supporters argue that Europe and Russia share a continent, complementary economies and a long-term interest in not being dominated by China.

The obstacles are serious, and the case for the idea is stronger for facing them squarely:

  • Trust: Russia's 2022 forced invasion of Ukraine destroyed confidence across most of Europe's leadership, despite the warnings and advice, and more so in the countries nearest to it.
  • Direction of travel: Moscow has spent the years since moving closer to Beijing, not away from it. China is now Russia's largest trading partner, and the two declared a "no limits" partnership weeks before February 24th 2022.
  • Russia's own aims: Moscow does not want to be a junior partner inside an American-led system; its stated goal is a multipolar world and this is increasingly the world we live in.
  • The neighbours: Poland and the Baltic states would doubtless see any grand bargain struck over their heads as a repeat of 1939 and 1945.

None of this makes a European–Russian détente impossible in the long run. It does mean it would need a new leadership in Ukraine, and an understanding of Kremlin's point of view, requiring professional diplomacy, before it could get off the ground.


Bottom Line

The Suwałki Gap is dangerous not because Russia is bent on conquest, but because the West keeps pressing forward on the very plain its armies have used to invade Russia for four centuries. NATO enlargement, fortifications and armaments on Russia's doorstep and public talk of taking Kaliningrad are all understood in Moscow as the next chapter of that story. Russia's response, from Belarus to the Oreshnik, follows the oldest rule of its strategy: meet pressure with depth. Seen this way, the standoff is less a Russian threat than habitual Western aggression.

The larger question is whether Europe can afford to keep playing this game while the decisive rivalry of the century unfolds elsewhere and more immediately the imminent of its economies. A Europe-Russia bloc against China is not on the table while the war in Ukraine continues, it is true. But history suggests that alliances which look unthinkable in one generation can look obvious in the next. The question worth asking is not whether Europe and Russia will ever stop guarding this corridor, but what would have to change, in Europe and in Moscow, for them to decide they no longer need to.

Deep Dive: four centuries of crossings

The plain has carried armies both ways. Arrows show the direction of the main advance.

Years Who moved Direction Outcome
2022–Russia into UkraineWest →War ongoing
1956, 1968USSR into Hungary, CzechoslovakiaWest →Uprisings crushed
1941–45Germany into USSR; then Red Army to Berlin→ East, then West →Soviet control of Eastern Europe
1939–40USSR into Poland, Finland, Baltic statesWest →Territory annexed
1918–20Western Allied intervention; Polish–Soviet war→ East, both waysSoviets survive; Poland holds Warsaw
1914–18Russia into East Prussia; Germany deep into Russian EmpireBoth waysRussian Empire collapses
1812–14Napoleon to Moscow; Russia to Paris→ East, then West →Napoleon defeated
1772–95Russia (with Prussia, Austria) partitions PolandWest →Poland disappears
1708–09Sweden into Russia→ EastSweden defeated at Poltava
1610–12Poland-Lithuania occupies Moscow→ EastExpelled; Romanovs take power

Related Articles

Glossary

Exclave – a part of a country that is separated from the rest of it by foreign territory, as Kaliningrad is from Russia.

Suwałki Gap – the roughly 65 km stretch of the Polish–Lithuanian border between Kaliningrad and Belarus; NATO's only land link to the Baltic states.

North European Plain – the broad lowland running from northern France and the Low Countries through Germany and Poland into the East European Plain.

Strategic depth – the distance between a country's front line and its vital centres; the more of it a defender has, the more ground it can give up without being defeated.

Buffer state – a country lying between two rival powers that one or both would like to keep neutral or friendly, so that any attack must cross it first.

Heartland theory – Halford Mackinder's 1904 idea that control of inner Eurasia, centred on Russia, is the key to world power.

Rimland – Nicholas Spykman's term for the coastal belt around Eurasia, from Western Europe through the Middle East to East Asia, which he saw as more important than the Heartland.

Deterrence – preventing an attack by convincing a potential aggressor that the cost would outweigh any gain.

References

Reading

  • Tim Marshall, Prisoners of Geography (2015) – an accessible tour of how terrain shapes strategy, with a strong chapter on Russia.
  • Dominic Lieven, Russia Against Napoleon (2009) – how Russia actually defeated the 1812 invasion, and why it was more than winter.
  • Nicholas Spykman, The Geography of the Peace (1944) – the original Rimland argument.
  • Robert D. Kaplan, The Revenge of Geography (2012) – Mackinder and Spykman applied to the modern world.

Wednesday, 14 October 2026

WHY INFLATION IS HURTING GOLD

WHY INFLATION IS HURTING GOLD AND GOLD MINERS





Fast Track

Since the Iran war began this year, gold has often fallen on bad news from the Gulf. The reason is oil. Attacks on tankers in the Strait of Hormuz push up energy prices and revive inflation fears, and markets now expect the Federal Reserve to raise interest rates: a quarter-point in December and twice more in 2027. Those expected hikes have lifted real yields and the dollar, gold's two great adversaries. Gold miners have been hit harder still, because oil also raises their costs. Underneath it all sits a floor built by central banks, which have bought gold heavily since Russia's reserves were frozen in 2022. Much of the bad news is now in the price. What happens next depends on whether the Fed delivers those hikes, exceeds them or retreats from them.





On a phone? Tap here for the easy-to-read vertical version of this diagram



Introduction

A recent market comment summed up a fear running through trading desks this autumn: a real acceleration in inflation would probably send yields back up and the dollar back up, and that could be a problem for equities. With the dollar index (DXY) already above 102, the warning carries weight.

The comment did not mention gold, yet gold has been living this scenario for months. When Iranian attacks on shipping intensify, oil jumps, inflation fears rise and gold falls. On 7 October, for example, gold slipped towards $4,100 an ounce as oil climbed and bond yields rebounded on fears that Iran was stepping up attacks on tankers in the Strait of Hormuz. A war in the world's most important oil region is pushing the classic safe-haven asset down.

This article explains that paradox. It follows the chain from an oil shock through inflation, Fed expectations, the dollar and real yields; shows why Russia's experience since 2022 has put a floor under gold that did not exist before; and traces how all of this acts, in magnified form, on gold-mining shares, using the London-listed AUCP and the US-listed GDXJ as examples. Finally, it sets out the two paths ahead.

Why It Matters

Many savers hold gold or gold-mining funds as protection against war, inflation and currency debasement. 2026 has shown that these risks can arrive together and still hurt gold: a war that raises oil prices can raise interest-rate expectations faster than it raises safe-haven demand. Investors who understand how geopolitics feeds into Fed expectations, and why markets react to surprises rather than to news itself, are better placed to judge whether their hedge will work. The same understanding explains why mining shares can fall sharply in a year when the long-term case for gold looks stronger than ever.

1. The Warning Behind the Headline

The year began with markets expecting the Fed to keep cutting rates. That expectation has been turned on its head. As of mid-October, interest-rate futures price a quarter-point increase in December and two further increases in 2027. A central bank that was expected to ease is now expected to tighten.

That reversal explains much of what has happened to gold. Expected hikes raise Treasury yields, strengthen the dollar and weigh on both equities and gold. The warning that inflation would send yields and the dollar back up has, to a large extent, already come true.

The more important point is subtler. Markets move on surprises, not on news that is already priced in. With three hikes now expected, gold's direction depends less on whether inflation is high than on whether the Fed does more, the same, or less than markets anticipate. And in 2026, the main source of that inflation is not wages or consumer spending. It is a war.

2. A War That Pushed Gold Down: Iran, Oil and the Inflation Scare

Since the Iran war began, precious-metals investors have had a frustrating time, as the conflict raised inflation expectations and projections of rate hikes. The mechanism runs through the Strait of Hormuz, the narrow channel through which a large share of the world's seaborne oil passes. Iran has demanded that vessels use approved routes, and ships taking other paths appear to have been attacked. Brent crude rose towards $102 a barrel in early October after the UK's maritime security agency counted nine attacks in the first days of the month, already half the total for all of September.

An oil supply shock of this kind is inflationary twice over: it raises fuel prices directly, then seeps into freight, food, chemicals and almost everything else. Bond markets respond by demanding higher yields. Analysts noted during the summer that rising oil was reducing demand for risk assets, and that gold was trading as one of them while Treasury yields climbed. At the worst point in July, as airstrikes on Iran intensified, gold fell back to levels last seen in November 2025, a long way below the more than $4,700 an ounce it had reached at the start of the year.

This is the central paradox of the year. War is supposed to send investors running to gold. But when the war's main economic effect is an oil shock, the inflation channel can overwhelm the safe-haven channel. The bad news from the Gulf reaches gold not as fear, but as the prospect of higher interest rates.

When war's main economic effect is an oil shock, it reaches gold not as fear, but as the prospect of higher interest rates.

3. Why Inflation Can Make the Dollar Stronger

In textbook economics, inflation weakens a currency. Over long periods this is broadly true: the theory of purchasing power parity holds that a currency losing value at home will eventually lose value abroad. Markets, however, trade the expected response of the central bank, not the long run.

When US inflation surprises upwards and the Fed is expected to raise rates, US yields rise relative to yields elsewhere. That interest-rate differential draws capital into dollar assets, and buying those assets means buying dollars. Expected Fed hikes are among the most powerful forces behind a strong dollar.

The Iran war adds two further reasons for dollar strength that have nothing to do with interest rates. First, the United States is now a net energy exporter, while the euro area and Japan import most of their oil. An oil shock therefore worsens Europe's and Japan's terms of trade far more than America's, weakening their economies and making it harder for their central banks to match the Fed. Second, in a military crisis the dollar remains the world's principal safe-haven currency.

The composition of the dollar index sharpens both effects. The DXY is about 58 per cent weighted to the euro, so it is largely a contest between the Fed and the European Central Bank. A Fed expected to hike three times, facing a euro area squeezed by energy costs, tilts that contest firmly towards the dollar. That is a large part of why the index sits above 102.

4. Gold's Real Rival: Real Yields

Gold pays no interest, no dividend and no coupon. The cost of owning it is the return given up on an interest-bearing alternative: its opportunity cost.

The alternative that matters is not the headline, or nominal, bond yield but the real yield: what a bond pays after inflation. The cleanest measure is the yield on US Treasury Inflation-Protected Securities (TIPS). When real yields rise, safe bonds become more attractive relative to gold, and gold tends to weaken. When real yields fall, gold's lack of income stops being a handicap.

A stronger dollar adds a second headwind. Gold is priced in dollars, so a rising dollar makes it more expensive for buyers paying in euros, rupees or yuan. The shift from expected cuts to expected hikes has hit gold through both channels at once.

5. Two Kinds of Inflation, Two Opposite Outcomes

Everything so far assumes the market believes the Fed will act on inflation. That assumption is the hinge of the argument.

With an oil shock, the Fed faces a genuine dilemma. Central banks traditionally look through supply shocks: higher oil prices are a one-off jump in the price level, and raising rates cannot produce more oil. Hiking into an oil shock can deepen the slowdown the shock itself causes, as the European Central Bank found when it raised rates in July 2008 and again in 2011, reversing course soon afterwards on both occasions. Yet if inflation spreads beyond energy into wages and services, ignoring it becomes dangerous.

In the first case, call it hawkish inflation, the Fed is seen to respond. It hikes, nominal yields rise faster than inflation expectations, and real yields climb. The dollar strengthens and gold falls. This is broadly what markets are now pricing.

In the second case, loss-of-control inflation, inflation stays elevated but the Fed hikes less than expected, or not at all. Political pressure, slowing growth or the rising cost of servicing a very large government debt may make higher rates too painful. Economists call that last constraint fiscal dominance: the government's finances limit what the central bank can do. Nominal yields then rise less than inflation, so real yields fall. Confidence in the dollar as a store of value erodes, and gold rallies, often sharply.

The same inflation number can therefore produce opposite results for gold, depending on the market's judgement of the central bank. This is why the 1970s, when the Fed was persistently behind the curve after two oil shocks, were a golden decade, while 1980-81, when Paul Volcker raised rates aggressively, began a long bear market in gold. The parallel with today is not exact, but the 1970s also began with a Middle East oil shock.

The same inflation figure can sink gold or launch it. What decides the outcome is whether the market still trusts the Fed.

6. Russia and the New Floor Under Gold

If gold had only the old relationship with real yields to rely on, a swing from expected cuts to expected hikes might have done far more damage. What has changed is the behaviour of the world's central banks, and the turning point was Russia.

In February 2022, after Russia's invasion of Ukraine, Western governments froze the Russian central bank's foreign reserves: roughly $300 billion of overseas sovereign assets, by Moscow's own estimate. For central banks around the world, especially those whose governments are not close allies of Washington, the message was clear. Dollar and euro reserves held abroad are only as safe as one's relations with the countries that issue them. Gold held in one's own vaults cannot be frozen by anyone.

The result was a wave of reserve diversification. Central banks in China, India, Turkey, Poland and elsewhere have bought gold at a pace not seen in decades. Even during this summer's sell-off, China's central bank reported its largest monthly addition to gold reserves in more than two and a half years in June, while bullion prices were tumbling. This official demand is largely insensitive to real yields, which is why the textbook link between gold and real yields has weakened since 2022.

Russia's own experience made the case more vividly than any argument could. According to Bloomberg estimates, the rise in the gold price since the invasion has produced gains for Russia comparable in size to the reserves frozen in Europe, and gold's share of its reserves has roughly doubled, from about a fifth before the war to over 40 per cent. European efforts to use the frozen assets to fund a loan to Ukraine failed to reach agreement. To a watching central banker, the lesson is plain: the assets held abroad were lost, while the gold at home made up for them.

There is one cross-current. Sanctions have also turned Russia from a buyer into an occasional seller. Its central bank began selling gold to domestic buyers in November 2025, and its holdings slipped to about 2,311 tonnes by early March as it swapped metal for yuan. These sales are small next to global official demand, but they show that the floor is not a guarantee.

The Russia and Iran stories meet here. Iran's war raises inflation and brings expected rate hikes, pushing gold down. Russia's precedent keeps central banks buying, holding gold up. That tug of war explains why gold has fallen this year but not collapsed.

7. Gold Miners: Leverage in Both Directions

Gold-mining shares are often treated as a substitute for gold. They are a leveraged version of it, with an extra risk attached.

The leverage comes from the structure of a miner's profits. Each ounce sells at the gold price, but costs a large part of that to produce. The industry's standard cost measure is all-in sustaining cost (AISC), and profit is the gap between the two: the margin. Because that margin is only part of the gold price, a modest change in gold produces a larger change in profits. This effect, operating leverage, explains why mining shares typically move more than the metal, in both directions (see the Deep Dive for a worked example).

The extra risk is cost inflation, and the Iran war makes it acute. Mines run fleets of trucks and generators on diesel, consume enormous amounts of electricity, and ship equipment and supplies across the world; energy is one of their largest costs. An oil shock therefore raises miners' costs at exactly the moment it pushes gold down through higher real yields. Gold, the metal, has no diesel bill. A miner squeezed between a weaker gold price and higher fuel costs suffers twice, which is what mining shareholders have experienced this year.

The reverse also holds. If gold rises faster than costs, margins widen and miners outperform the metal. A ceasefire in the Gulf would help the miners twice over: lower oil would cut their costs, and an easing inflation scare would lift gold. Investors in mining shares are betting on the margin, not simply on the gold price.

8. Juniors, AUCP and the Currency Cushion

Not all mining funds carry the same risk.

GDXJ, the VanEck Junior Gold Miners ETF, holds smaller producers and development-stage companies. These junior miners have thinner margins, higher costs and a heavier dependence on raising money to build new mines, financing that becomes dearer when rate hikes are expected. In market panics their shares are sold first: in sharp equity sell-offs such as 2008 or March 2020, miners initially fell with the stock market, because they are equities, before any safe-haven demand for gold took hold. Their one cushion is mergers and acquisitions: cash-rich major producers often buy them when share prices are depressed.

AUCP, the L&G Gold Mining UCITS ETF, is listed in London and quoted in sterling. It tracks a global index that only admits companies earning at least half their revenue from gold production; its largest holdings include Gold Fields, Kinross and Harmony. It is less volatile than GDXJ, though still far more volatile than gold.

AUCP has a feature that matters in this environment: currency exposure. Its companies are valued largely in dollars, but a UK investor holds them in pounds. When the dollar strengthens against sterling, as it tends to when Fed hikes are expected and oil is rising, the sterling value of the holdings rises, partly offsetting falls in the shares. A sterling-based investor buying GDXJ in dollars gets the same effect; an investor whose home currency is the dollar has no such offset.

Ranked by likely damage in the hawkish scenario: GDXJ suffers most, AUCP less, gold least. When the tide turns, the order reverses.

9. What to Watch

Five indicators show which way the forces are tilting:

  • Fed pricing: whether futures still show a December hike and two more in 2027. More hikes priced in is a headwind for gold; hikes priced out is a tailwind.
  • Real yields (the 10-year TIPS yield): rising is bad for gold, falling is good.
  • Brent crude and Hormuz incidents: these set the inflation impulse and the miners' fuel bill.
  • The dollar against the euro: this captures the Fed-ECB gap and Europe's greater exposure to oil.
  • Central-bank gold purchases (monthly reserve data, especially China's): these show whether the floor is holding.

10. Looking Forward: Two Paths for Gold

The starting point is a market that already expects tightening: a quarter-point hike in December and two more in 2027. Gold, the dollar and real yields already reflect much of that. The question is whether events push the Fed further than markets expect, or force it to retreat. Two broad scenarios stand out.

10.1 Scenario One: Gold Down - The Fed Delivers, and More

In this scenario, Iranian attacks on shipping persist or escalate, and Brent stays around or above $100. Energy costs pass into transport, food, rents and wages, and core inflation rises. The Fed hikes in December as expected and signals that two further hikes may not be enough. Futures begin to price a fourth hike, or a faster pace.

The economic changes follow a familiar pattern. Two-year Treasury yields rise further. Ten-year real yields climb, because nominal yields outpace inflation expectations. The euro area, a heavy oil importer, slips towards recession, and the ECB cannot keep pace with the Fed. The interest-rate differential widens, safe-haven flows add to demand for dollars, and the DXY pushes well beyond 102. Equities fall as higher discount rates reduce the value of future profits.

Gold extends its decline under rising opportunity cost and a firmer dollar, though central-bank buying, sustained by the lesson of Russia's frozen reserves, probably stops the fall from becoming a rout. The miners fare worse: lower gold prices meet higher diesel and energy bills, and margins shrink from both sides. GDXJ suffers most, as juniors face dearer financing. AUCP falls less, and for sterling-based investors the stronger dollar partly cushions the loss.

Signposts: a December hike accompanied by hawkish guidance; core inflation (excluding energy) rising; the 10-year TIPS yield making new highs; Hormuz incidents increasing; miners reporting rising all-in sustaining costs.

Gold down: Hormuz stays closed and the Fed hikes


10.2 Scenario Two: Gold Up - The Hikes Are Priced Out

In this scenario, the expected hikes fail to materialise. There are two quite different routes to that outcome.

Route A: de-escalation. A ceasefire, or a negotiated arrangement over shipping, reopens the Strait of Hormuz. Oil falls sharply, the inflation scare fades, and markets unwind the December and 2027 hikes. Real yields drop, the safe-haven premium on the dollar evaporates, and the DXY retreats. Gold recovers, and the miners gain on both fronts: a higher gold price and a lower fuel bill. This is the best case for GDXJ.



Route B: the Fed retreats. The war and high oil persist, but the Fed decides to look through the shock, or is pushed to. Growth weakens, political pressure on the central bank intensifies, and the cost of financing the government's debt at higher rates becomes a constraint: fiscal dominance. The Fed skips the December hike or signals that the tightening cycle is over, even with inflation elevated. Nominal yields rise less than inflation, so real yields fall. Breakeven inflation rates (the gap between nominal and inflation-linked bond yields) widen as investors lose confidence in the Fed's resolve. The dollar weakens even if yields stay high, a sign that trust rather than interest rates has become the driver, and foreign central banks accelerate reserve diversification.

Route B is the 1970s template and potentially the more powerful rally for gold. It is less favourable for miners than Route A, because high oil keeps squeezing their costs, but they would still rise strongly so long as gold outruns those costs.



Signposts: a ceasefire or fewer Hormuz incidents (Route A); Fed officials talking of looking through energy prices, open political criticism of the Fed, or weak demand at Treasury auctions (Route B). In both routes, watch for real yields falling and futures removing the expected hikes.

10.3 Where the Balance of Risk Lies

These scenarios need not be alternatives; they may be stages. Markets often price the hawkish response first and retreat from it only when the economic damage becomes visible, as happened with the ECB in 2008 and 2011.

One asymmetry deserves attention. With three hikes already priced, Scenario One requires the Fed to exceed expectations that are already demanding. Scenario Two requires only that it fall short of them, whether because the war ends or because the economy weakens. This is an inference rather than a forecast, but it suggests that much of gold's downside is already in the price, while a retreat from the expected hikes could come quickly and from more than one direction. For the miners, the same asymmetry applies with greater force.

Indicator Gold down Gold up
Fed path Hikes delivered, more priced Hikes priced out
Oil / Hormuz Escalation Ceasefire (A) or persists (B)
Real yields Rising Falling
Dollar (DXY) Stronger Weaker
Gold Further decline, cushioned Recovery to strong rally
Miners (AUCP, GDXJ) Fall more than gold Rise more than gold

Bottom Line

Inflation is not gold's friend by default, and neither is war. In 2026, a war in the Gulf has raised oil prices, revived inflation and turned expected Fed cuts into expected hikes, giving gold its least favourable combination of rising real yields and a strong dollar. For gold miners, the same oil shock has added a second blow by raising their costs. What has prevented a collapse is the lesson of Russia's frozen reserves, which keeps the world's central banks buying.

The question now is not whether inflation is high, but whether the Fed will follow through on the tightening markets expect. If it does, and more, gold and especially the miners have further to fall. If the hikes are priced out, whether through peace in the Gulf or a Fed unwilling to keep raising rates, the forces that pushed gold down will push it up, and the miners will move furthest. Which is more likely to give way first: Iran's grip on the Strait of Hormuz, or the Fed's resolve?

Deep Dive: The Arithmetic of Operating Leverage

Take gold at roughly today's level of $4,100 an ounce and two illustrative miners.

A major producer with an all-in sustaining cost of $1,700 an ounce:

  • Margin: $4,100 - $1,700 = $2,400.
  • Gold falls 10% to $3,690: margin $1,990, a fall of 17%.
  • Gold falls 10% and costs rise 5% (oil shock) to $1,785: margin $1,905, a fall of 21%.

A junior producer with an all-in sustaining cost of $2,200 an ounce:

  • Margin: $4,100 - $2,200 = $1,900.
  • Gold falls 10%: margin $1,490, a fall of 22%.
  • Gold falls 10% and costs rise 5% to $2,310: margin $1,380, a fall of 27%.

Route A of Scenario Two (gold up 10%, costs down 5%): the major's margin rises from $2,400 to $2,895, up 21%; the junior's from $1,900 to $2,420, up 27%.

The higher a miner's costs relative to the gold price, the greater its leverage. With gold above $4,000, margins are historically wide, so leverage is lower than when gold was $2,000, but still high enough for juniors to swing far more than majors, and both more than the metal.

The currency cushion in figures: suppose AUCP's holdings fall 10% in dollar terms while the dollar rises 4% against sterling. A UK investor's loss in pounds is roughly 0.90 x 1.04 = 0.936, or about 6.4% rather than 10%.

Related Articles

  • France's Debt Crisis: When a Eurozone Core Country Loses the Market's Trust - on fiscal dominance and euro weakness.
  • Burnham's Reindustrialisation Plan and the Late-Stage Empire Cycle - on the long-cycle themes behind the shift into gold.

Glossary

All-in sustaining cost (AISC) - The industry's standard measure of the full cost of producing one ounce of gold, including mining, processing, overheads and the investment needed to keep a mine running.

Asset freeze - A government order preventing the owner of assets, such as a foreign central bank, from using or moving them.

Basis point - One hundredth of one percentage point (0.01%); a 25-basis-point hike is a rise of 0.25%.

Behind the curve - Said of a central bank that raises interest rates too slowly to keep up with inflation.

Brent crude - The main international benchmark price for oil.

Breakeven inflation rate - The difference between the yield on a normal government bond and an inflation-protected bond of the same maturity; the market's implied forecast of average inflation.

Central-bank buying - Purchases of gold by national central banks as part of their official reserves.

Cost inflation - Rising prices for a company's inputs, such as energy, labour and equipment, which squeeze profits unless selling prices rise too.

Currency exposure - The effect of exchange-rate movements on an investment held in a different currency from the investor's own.

Dollar index (DXY) - An index measuring the US dollar against six major currencies, about 58% weighted to the euro.

Dovish - Favouring lower interest rates and looser monetary policy.

ETF (exchange-traded fund) - A fund that holds a basket of assets and trades on a stock exchange like a single share.

European Central Bank (ECB) - The central bank responsible for monetary policy in the euro area.

Federal Reserve (the Fed) - The central bank of the United States, which sets US short-term interest rates.

Fiscal dominance - A situation in which a government's debt burden constrains the central bank, making it reluctant to raise rates even when inflation calls for it.

Hawkish - Favouring higher interest rates and tighter policy to control inflation.

Inflation - The general rate at which prices rise, reducing the purchasing power of money.

Interest-rate differential - The gap between interest rates in two countries; a key short-term driver of exchange rates.

Interest-rate futures - Contracts whose prices reveal what markets expect a central bank to do with interest rates.

Junior miner - A smaller mining company, often with one or two mines or projects still in development; riskier and more volatile than major producers.

Look through (a shock) - When a central bank deliberately does not respond to a temporary price jump, such as an oil spike, judging that it will fade on its own.

Major (senior) producer - A large mining company with several producing mines and lower financing risk.

Margin - For a miner, the difference between the gold price received and the cost of producing each ounce.

Mergers and acquisitions (M&A) - The buying, selling and combining of companies.

Nominal yield - The headline interest rate on a bond, before adjusting for inflation.

Oil supply shock - A sudden fall, or threatened fall, in oil supply that drives prices sharply higher.

Operating leverage - The way fixed and semi-fixed costs magnify the effect of revenue changes on profits.

Opportunity cost - The return given up by choosing one investment over the best alternative.

Priced in - Already reflected in market prices; only developments that differ from expectations move prices.

Purchasing power parity (PPP) - The theory that, over the long run, exchange rates adjust to equalise the price of goods between countries.

Real yield - A bond's yield after subtracting expected inflation; the true return to a lender.

Reserve diversification - Central banks shifting reserves away from a dominant currency, such as the dollar, into other assets like gold.

Risk asset - An investment whose price tends to fall when investors become cautious, such as shares.

Safe haven - An asset investors buy in times of stress because it is expected to hold its value.

Strait of Hormuz - The narrow sea passage between Iran and Oman through which a large share of the world's seaborne oil is shipped.

Terms of trade - The price of a country's exports relative to its imports; an oil shock worsens them for oil importers.

TIPS (Treasury Inflation-Protected Securities) - US government bonds whose principal rises with inflation; their yield is the main measure of US real yields.

UCITS - An EU regulatory framework for investment funds sold to retail investors, with rules on diversification and investor protection.

References

Further Reading

  • World Gold Council research on gold and real interest rates.
  • Histories of the 1973 and 1979 oil shocks and the Volcker disinflation.
  • Analyses of the ECB's 2008 and 2011 rate rises during oil-price spikes.

Friday, 2 October 2026

ROAD TO THE FRONT 3 - THE GAME EXPLAINED

The Road to the Front looks like a cheerful board game. Underneath, it's a map of something real: the way a country that doesn't want a war can be talked, step by step, into being ready to fight one.

This post explains what the game is showing you, why it works the way it does, and what it is not saying. It's written so that anyone in the family can follow it, from the youngest player at the table to the oldest.

A trick as old as war itself

Nobody wants to go to war. It's frightening, it's dangerous, and it means people get hurt. So when a government believes a war is coming, it has a problem: how do you change millions of minds?

About a hundred years ago, after the First World War, researchers started studying exactly how this had been done. A man called Harold Lasswell compared the campaigns run by Britain, France, Germany and America, and found something surprising. They all used almost the same steps, in almost the same order. Others, like Edward Bernays and Walter Lippmann, wrote about how opinions could be shaped on purpose, the way an advert shapes what you want to buy.

Those steps have been used ever since. They aren't a secret. They're written about in books and taught in universities. Most people just never get shown them.

Once you know the steps, you can spot them happening. That's the whole point of the game.
Why it's harder today

Think about cheering for a team. If everyone in a stadium supports the same club, getting them all to sing together is easy. They already share the songs, the colours and the history.

A hundred years ago, the people persuading Britain to fight could talk to the country a bit like that stadium: one main story about who "we" were, with the same history lessons, the same church on Sunday, and the same idea of home.

Britain today is more like a whole school than a single team. It's made up of many communities, with families whose roots are all over the world, different faiths, and different ideas about what "home" means. Many people care about places far beyond Britain. That's simply how the country is now.

So the old way of saying "fight for your country, your people, your God" doesn't reach everyone. Anyone trying to bring the whole country together has to find a bigger team that everyone can join. That's why you hear words like "our values", "Europe", "the free world" and "democracy". Those are teams almost anyone can sign up to, wherever their family comes from.

The six steps, in plain words

Every card in the game belongs to one of these steps. Next to each one is a short list of words to listen for.

1It's about YOU now

A war far away doesn't feel like your problem. So the first step is to make it feel close: your bills, your street, your safety. Fear works on everyone, which is why it always comes first.

Listen for: "your", "Brits could", "on our doorstep", "every family will feel it".

2We're all in this together

Next, everyone is gathered into one big "we". It's the moment the teacher says "this class doesn't let each other down". Suddenly a foreign war becomes our war, because we all share the same values.

Listen for: "we", "our", "together", "Europe stands", "play our part".

3A trusted face says so

People believe people they already trust. A message lands harder from a famous footballer, a faith leader, a doctor or a top general than from a politician. The message is the same; only the face changes.

Listen for: "says army chief", "warns expert", "star backs", "leaders unite".

4It's not them, it's their rulers

In a country of many communities, nobody wants neighbours turning on neighbours. So the enemy is described as a ruler or a government, never ordinary people. It keeps everyone at home on side, and it makes the cause feel fair.

Listen for: "Putin's war", "the regime", "the Kremlin", "not in your name".

5Service is cool now

This is the slow step, and it can take years. Joining the forces is made to look normal and exciting through TV shows, school visits, adverts, games and sport. Nobody is frightened into it. It just starts to feel like what people like us do.

Listen for: "career", "opportunity", "national service", "skills for life".

6Then, the moment

Finally, something shocking happens: an attack, a poisoning, a disaster. Opinion moves fastest when people are scared and upset, so the shock is followed quickly by one simple ask. There's no time to think, only to act.

Listen for: "after yesterday", "we will not stand by", "now or never", "are you with us?".

What the finish line stands for

In the game, the road ends at the front line. In real life, there's one more stage before that. Once enough people feel it's their duty to fight, that duty can be written into law, which is what conscription means. At that point, persuading stops and rules begin.

The original Living in the Air analysis argues that this is the hardest step of all for a country made of many communities. The early steps, fear and outrage, work on almost anyone. It's the final step that needs everyone to give the same answer to one question: who is "we"? That's why politicians usually avoid talking about conscription for as long as they can.

Why spotting the spin keeps you safe

In the game, if you name the step a headline is using, you stay back near home. If you miss it, you're swept forward. That's how it works in real life too.

A trick only works when you don't notice it. The moment you think "ah, that's step 2, they're trying to make me feel part of the team", you get a second to stop and ask whether you actually agree. You might still agree! But now it's your decision, not the headline's.

Two things the game does not say

It doesn't say every warning is false. Sometimes the danger is real. Real attacks happen, and real threats exist. The game isn't teaching you to ignore the news. It's teaching you to notice how the news is trying to make you feel, so you can judge the facts for yourself.

It doesn't say the newspapers are lying or working together. The headlines in the Russia edition are real, and many come from honest reporting. A step can show up in a headline simply because a journalist reported what a politician said. Spotting the step is about understanding persuasion, not about deciding who the villains are.

That's also why some cards are labelled "No spin: it pushes back". Those are writers arguing against the popular view. Hearing the other side is one of the best protections there is.

Questions for the breakfast table

Next time a scary headline appears, try asking these together:

  1. How is this headline trying to make me feel?
  2. Which of the six steps is it using, if any?
  3. Who is saying it, and why might they want me to believe it?
  4. What might someone on the other side say?
  5. Would I feel the same if the countries were swapped round?
Ready to play?

Start with the first edition to learn the six steps with made-up headlines, then try the Russia edition with real ones from the British media.

For the full analysis behind the game, including the history and the sources, read To Mobilise a Fractured Society for War. 

Sunday, 27 September 2026

LIFE IS FOR LIVING

27 September 2026

1 Noël Coward

There is a line I remember from Noël Coward, in his song “A Bar on the Piccola Marina”, written in 1954 - so the generation of my father - about a respectable English widow, Mrs Wentworth-Brewster.

Coward himself introduced the song by saying that its heroine had:

“discovered in the nick of time that life is for living."

And then, no interest in grieving, she goes off the rails completely in one of the most improper widowhoods ever written about.

So, Mrs Wentworth-Brewster has spent most of her life as a model wife and mother, but not a woman in her own right. But now, her rather dreary husband has died. At the funeral wake, she suddenly realises that she has been living according to everybody else’s expectations and she makes up her own mind on what comes next, according to her own dreams and desires and imagination.



Her immediate conclusion, in the song at least, is that the old life is over, her real life is only now beginning, and it is high time she had some fun!

She goes to the island of Capri,  off Sorrento, and discovers the bar on the Piccola Marina. There, she drinks, flirts with fishermen and sailors, and discovers a new and quite different version of herself.

2 But what actually made life worth living?

Ahaa... this is the interesting part... It wasn’t simply pleasure, ok!

Coward’s joke is that Mrs Wentworth-Brewster discovers aliveness.

She had been existing rather than living.

Her life had been organised around

  • duty
  • respectability
  • family expectations
  • convention
  • being a “good” wife and mother.

In short, supressing or postponing personal pleasure for the good of the family and the expectations of others.

Then suddenly she experiences

  • novelty
  • adventure
  • sexuality
  • friendship
  • spontaneity
  • freedom
  • pleasure

ie, the feeling of being noticed as an individual rather than just as somebody’s wife or mother.

That is why the phrase works so well - living here means actively participating in your own existence not just fulfilling a role assigned to you.


3 And there is a deeper philosophical point

This is very close to something I have been exploring in Joseph Campbell's writings. We discover that there's a difference between having a life and living a life.

  • Existence is biological: you are alive.
  • Living is experiential: you are engaged with the world.

That can involve pleasure for sure, but also curiosity, love, friendship, creativity, discovery, risk, achievement and simply paying attention to the extraordinary fact that you and I are here at all.

There is an interesting parallel with William James:

“Believe that life is worth living, and your belief will help create the fact."

James was making a serious philosophical point: the value of life is not necessarily something we first discover objectively and then decide to participate in it. Our willingness to engage with life helps create the experiences that subsequently make it valuable. Quite encouraging to know we can shape our world and our destiny.

4 So Coward’s joke is actually quite profound

Mrs Wentworth-Brewster doesn’t discover why life is worth living in some grand philosophical revelation, no. She discovers it by living itself.,, isn't this the point?

You cannot necessarily sit in a room  at your desk or in a comfy chair and reason your way into discovering the value of life. Sometimes the value is generated by getting on down and boogeying: go somewhere, meet somebody, fall in love, learn something, make something, laugh, take a risk, go see something beautiful.

Or, in Coward’s very English formulation:

"She discovered, in the nick of time,
that life is for living."

And the delicious irony is that she discovers this only after her husband dies.

Friday, 25 September 2026

FROM "RUSSIA DOES OUTREACH" TO "RUSSIA IS WAGING WAR ON YOUR BRAIN"

25 September 2026

*How "Russia does outreach" -> "Russia is waging war on your brain".*

Is the Institute for the Study of War trying to say that Russia spreads propaganda? Who'd'uve thought. 

But it is interesting how they go from the usual international media influence to "cognitive warfare".

I mean, Russia operates RT, Sputnik and TASS; it works with foreign media organisations; it runs journalism-training programmes; these are all expanding esp. in Africa, Asia and Latin America + some must offer paths into Russian state media as we see the likes of Pilger and Galloway on RT.

The trick for a good contrarian as always is not to automatically oppose what the official media anywhere are telling us, but just simply to separate fact from the v slick way the ISW interprets what is an everyday media influence op - it is PR.

https://www.livingintheair.org/2026/08/edward-bernays-man-nobody-had-heard-of.html 

A "partnership" -> "recruitment pipeline", so nefarious enlistment techniques worthy of Mossad. 

The people involved all become a "cadre" -> a putinist network subverting and shaping under SSB orders. 

And we finish with -> "cognitive warfare infrastructure", that's some fancy language, putting diplomacy into the asymnetric crypto military division. 

The stated Kremlin strategic goal, known to ISW we know not how, is to "shape the decisions and will of its opponents". 

And the goal of the ISW? To make us fear and hate the enemy.

Thursday, 24 September 2026

DID YOUR PORTFOLIO PERFORMANCE MEET YOUR GOAL

If a portfolio rises by 5% in a year while the cost of living rises by 8%, has its owner gained or lost?

Fast Track (30 seconds)

  • A result means nothing until it is set against a goal: the same return can be a triumph or a failure.
  • Seven goals form a ladder, from “do not lose my money” to “earn the most for the least pain”. Each has its own test.
  • Every test needs a yardstick: inflation, a safe government bond, or a tracker index that simply copies the market.
  • Diversification is the simplest way to stop one mistake wrecking the plan.

Introduction

A portfolio can rise in value and its owner can still be poorer. That points to a neglected fact: a result means nothing until it is set against a goal.

This article sets out seven such goals, arranged as a ladder, and shows the yardsticks that make each one testable, from inflation to an index that copies the market.

Saturday, 19 September 2026

ROAD TO THE FRONT 2 - RUSSIAN EDITION

The Road to the Front

Russian edition: real headlines

Spot the spin, or get swept towards the front line.

How to play

Take turns rolling the die. Each roll reveals a real headline from the British media. Name which step of the campaign it carries, or spot when a headline pushes back against the narrative.

Spot it and you hold your ground, stepping one square back towards home. Miss it and you're swept forward by your roll.

The game ends when someone reaches the front line or the headlines run out. Whoever is furthest from the front wins.

The six steps
    How many players?
    Player 1's turn

    ?
    Spot the spin

    Which step does it carry?

    PlayerSquares from the frontSpins spotted
    Spot the steps. Ask the questions. Real headlines from UK outlets, shown with outlet and date. A headline appearing here doesn't mean the reporting was false or coordinated, only that it carries a persuasion technique worth noticing.